PART III . VERBAL ECONOMY
The Analytical Principle
The study of vocabularies is the prerogative
of the etymologist who focuses
attention on the life-histories of particular
words rather than upon general principles
of vocabulary construction.
38 The philologist, who does concern himself with
the structure of language, is chiefly interested
in problems relating to grammar.
As a result, the study of distribution,
which is perhaps the most interesting
aspect of Word Economy, falls between
two learned stools.
Vocabularies may be divided, as
grammatical systems are, into two types --
the analytic and the inflected. That is
to say, their constructions may be
characterized by the creation of fresh
symbols to express a complex idea or by
the use of a combination of symbols.
The fusion of
I , will, and
love into the
grammatical form
amabo is paralleled
semantically by the construction of
subscribe out of
give money to, of
quadruped
out of
four-footed animal, of
destination
out of
place to which one is going, and so
forth. The only point of difference is
that grammatical inflections tend t0 be
more systematic and are for this reason
more easily mastered.
Despite its bulk, the vocabulary of
English is generalized t0 a surprising
degree in comparison with the vocabularies
of other languages. This tendency
is most in evidence in the analytic development
of verb forms that has already been
discussed. Consider a few of the
un-ambiguous substitutions performed by
go. We may ' go against the law ' (break),
' go against an army ' (attack), ' go
from church ' (leave), ' go down with
disease' (contract), ' go from sight '
(disappear), 'go in front of ' (precede),
' go into a question ' (examine), ' go
into the house' (enter), 'go off with
a lover ' (elope), 'go on a horse' (ride),
' go to bed ' (retire), ' go up a mountain '
(climb), ' go with a friend ' (accompany).
In most other languages, each of these
situations would have its uniquely appropriate verb.
Take, for example, the
French translation of
get out used in a
variety of contexts. For ' get out stains '
there is
enlever, for ' get out of a book'
prendre, for ' get out clothes from a drawer'
sortir, for ' get out of England '
quitter,
for ' get out of a difficulty '
se tirer, for
' get out of the train '
descendre, for 'get
out of a habit '
se défaire, for ' get out of a
punishment '
soustraire.
The danger of this tendency in English,
and more particularly in American English,
is that precision and clarity may be
lost by an over-generalization of the
idioms. The ubiquitous part played by
make and
fix in transatlantic conversation
is an illustration of this point.
Outside the verb system the English
language displays the same readiness to
manufacture general terms. Although
French has adopted a more enlightened
attitude towards certain groups of words,
1
English is on the whole far more alive to
generalizing possibilities. It is the
specialization of the French vocabulary
that gives it its peculiar literary precision.
Thus the series of similar objects which,
in English, receive the single designation
head, are distinguished severally in French
as the head of a person,
téte, of a table,
haut boat, of a bedstead,
chevet, of an arrow,
fer, and so on, through a dozen different
contexts.
Leg is similarly differentiated
and separate words are found for the legs
which belong to persons, animals, boots,
poultry, furniture, mutton, and beef.
---------
1. See The Basic Vocabulary, p. 55.
The French would claim that a certain
quality of precision is achieved by this
specializing technique. But precision is
lost as frequently as it is gained by multiplicity
of terms. Vocabularies are built
up in a largely fortuitous manner, and
it is seldom that a cluster of closely associated
words avoid overlapping. Stylistic
caprice then becomes the criterion of correct
usage, rather than semantic content. In
English, for example, there are five words
which cover various aspects of destruction :
harm, hurt, injury, damage, mutilation.
It is possible to construct a
sentence in which any of these words
might be used. We may say
The initiated
pass through the fire without harm, hurt,
injury, damage, mutilation. But with
each of these words sentences may be
constructed in which they are not inter-changeable. In the following examples,
only the word used is appropriate to the
context :
He angered you but the hurt was
mine. I apologized and no harm was done.
The punishment was that of mutilation.
The fire did damage to the pictures. The
victim sustained many injuries. Similar
difficulties arise in connection with the
strip-stripe-band-belt group. Such infelicitous
specialization can lead to nothing but confusion.
Another danger of specialization is that
it may easily degenerate into a wanton
complexity. This over-elaboration is not
confined to the pedantry of the study.
It exists in a more plebian form under the
name of jargon. No jargon is more
exacting than that imposed on the devotee
of sport. Consider, for example, the
following account of how baseball supporters
describe the game : " It is possible
to have all these expressions for hitting a
ball with attendant circumstances : he
pummelled a liner to Devore, larruped a
home-run to right, banged the ball on the
nose, punched a hit to right, smashed a
drive, whacked a grounder, slapped an
easy grounder, planked a sizzling one,
spiked a one-base shot to centre, rammed
a single to left, lammed a single past
Larry's ear, slammed a single to centre,
whaled a home-run, etc ".
1
---------
1. F. E. Sechrist: " Psychology of Unconventional
Language", Pedagogical Seminary,
Dec. 1913, Vol. XX.
42
If the dictionary were pruned of some
of its more extravagant blooms no one
would feel linguistically poorer. Who,
for example, -- to take a random selection
from the
Concise Oxford Dictionary --
would wish to reprieve such words as
hapaxlegomenon, nidify, and ustulation, if
sentence of death were passed upon them
by an enterprising public ?
In literary exposition every verbal trick
is an asset. For emotive purposes, therefore,
a vocabulary of highly specialized
words is more rich in possibilities than a
vocabulary whose word-building relies
upon analysis. It lends itself to greater
associational nuance and has the advantages
of variety and concision. No doubt
the ideal literary medium, if it could be
constructed according to rule, would
combine the aspects of the Russian verb,
so aesthetically pleasing to those who
have served the apprenticeship of a
classical education
1 with the affixes and
infixes of Icelandic inflection, and the
word-forming licence of Mr. James Joyce.
Such a language would make available
the maximum range of emotive effect,
though there might still be some who
questioned Whether the resulting tendency
to breed sesquipedalian hybrids made for
a happier style than the opposite technique
of restraint which has its supreme
example in the English translation of
the Bible.
---------
1. See Aspects and the Russian Verb, by Jane
Harrison.
But if we leave aside aesthetic values,
and take a utilitarian view of language,
in which clarity of expression and ease
of acquirement are all-important considerations,
the merits of a specialized
A vocabulary are no longer obvious. Men
of letters may, if they choose, Haunt their
children in ' perambulators ', but the plain
man is content for them to be taken out
in a ' baby-carriage '.
The Philosophic Language
The analytic principle recommends
itself as the basis of an artificially
constructed language, whether it be intended
for international communication or as an
instrument for scientific thought. It
plays an important part in the numerous
schemes that have been devised for a
' philosophic ' language
1 though for this
purpose scientific agglomeration is more
favoured than the stringing together of
separate units. The philosophic language
invented by Bishop Wilkins demonstrates
how an analytic vocabulary may be
systematically constructed.
2 He built up
his vocabulary from forty genera,
sub-divided into species, which were then
further modified by grammatical and
other notions. The following tabulation
illustrates how conjugates were formed
on his system :
Sense of Root Word | Sense of Modification. | Sense of Conjugate. |
KIND |
Male | Bull, bullock, steer. |
Female | Cow, heifer, steer. |
Young | Calf |
Voice | Bellow, low |
Diminutive | Runt |
Aggregate | Herd |
Officer | Cowherd |
45
But Wilkins, unlike other originators
in the same field, was fully alive to the
limitations of systematic word formation.
He attempts to symbolize only simple
objects and ideas with units. " Others
that are of a more mixed and complicated
signification ", he explains
3 " are to be
expressed periphrasically . . . such
words only are absolutely necessary for
such a design as are purely simple ; which,
if they could be accurately distinguished,
would be much fewer than those here
enumerated. But for the preventing of
frequent and large periphrases, it may be
convenient to take in some others that
are not purely simple ". As a practical
orientation of the analytic principle this
is excellent, though the theoretical position
must be challenged.
----------
1. See the systems described by Couturat and
Leau in Histoire de la Langue Universelle,
Section I.
2. John Wilkins, Essay towards a Real Character
and a Philosophic language.
3. Ibid., p. 295.
Analysis, in so far as it is established
as a natural linguistic tendency, is an
arbitrary affair, important only for the
practical issues involved. But when it
becomes a conscious technique for artificial
simplification, problems of theoretical
interest are raised. Before constructing
the foundations of an ideally analytic
system, it must be decided whether the
analysis which reflects itself in language
is fundamental in the sense that the
simpler units correspond in some way to
a schematic disintegration of the universe,
46
or whether it is purely a symbolic convenience,
governed by more or less
ad hoc
considerations. If there does exist a
primary set of facts or ideas into which
all our complex cognitive and perceptive
experience may be resolved, then presumably
the efficiency of a vocabulary
may be measured by the extent to which
it conforms with such an analysis. If,
on the other hand, linguistic generalization
can be carried to no
a priori conclusion,
and is merely a matter of effectively
disposed symbols, then there arises the
question : what exactly takes place when
we eliminate one word by combining two
or three others together ?
We have already seen how Wilkins
believed that there were a certain number
of ' purely simple ' words from which,
theoretically the complete design of a
philosophic language might be developed.
This belief was common to all the idealists
who seriously entertained the project of
a philosophic language. In their view
it was axiomatic that the universe could
be reduced, like a mathematical statement,
to its simplest terms, and they saw
no reason why it should not be possible
to devise a set of ideographic symbols
that could be used, in Leibnitz's phrase,
as a ' calculus of reasoning '.
Descartes was the first to formulate
this idea of an ideal universal language,
1
but he did not develop it. The suggestion
was taken up by Leibnitz half a
century later, and continued to bear
barren fruit in the shape of a series of
unsuccessful
a priori languages until the
beginning of the present century. Its
successor is to be found in the systems
of Symbolic Logic, devised by Russell,
Whitehead and others to clarify a particular
approach to philosophical problems.
----------
1. Letter to P. Mersenne, Nov. 20, 1629.
But modern logistic departs in two
important essentials from the tradition
dominating the projects for an
a priori
world language. And these two points
of difference offer a plausible account of
why the philosophic language movement
has become discredited.
In the first place the symbol systems
of the logico-analytic philosophers are
confined to the strict needs of logic and
do not attempt to cover the subject matter
of science. Since the time of Leibnitz the
various branches of scientific knowledge
have been developing their own symbolic
technique and selecting their primitive
concepts to accord with theories which
only experts are competent to assess.
For such a task the equipment of the
logician is inadequate and his premises
irrelevant. Leibnitz and his disciples
attempted to oversimplify scientific
thought and terminology, and to fix a
symbolization which must constantly be
remodelled to meet fresh needs.
The other respect in which Symbolic
Logic differs from philosophic language
systems is in the importance attached to
the primitive ideas. For the language-makers,
the simple constituents of thought
were fixed by the nature of things ; by
the analytic philosophers, the simple
units are claimed as valid only within
the system for which they were designed
1
----------
1. See C. I. Lewis, Survey of Symbolic Logic, p. 8.
This is true only of symbolic logic, however.
The logicians who analyse facts verbally do not
work within a closed system built up on assumed
primitive concepts. When Mr. Wisdom analyses
" George is in height between Sam and
Harry " into " One of them is taller than George,
and George is taller than one of them " (Interpretation
and Analysis, p. 60) he is simply
replacing one x by another. Such a process has
value as a means of identifying referents, but
Mr. Wisdom claims for it something more.
Thus in Psyche, April, 1931 (p. 80), he asserts:
" When I say, I can analyse the meaning of
' The sheep are in the corn' ", that can be
translated, " I can say what the elements of the
fact (if any) expressed by ' The sheep are in
the corn ' would be and how they would be
arranged in that fact".
49
A detailed discussion of the arguments
against the existence of predetermined
primitive concepts would be outside the
scope of this book. Nor is it necessary
to adduce such arguments in order to
discredit the notion of a philosophic
language on Cartesian lines. As Professor
Couturat has pointed out,
1 an ideographic
system, while easing the burden of
memorization, imposes a considerable
mental strain in the constant manipulation
of complicated definitions which
it requires. It renders the normal processes
of psittascism or symbolic thought
almost impossible, and so paralyses the
mental activity it was intended to stimulate.
As not infrequently happens, the
logicians arrived at an absurd conclusion
through neglecting the elementary facts
of psychology.
----------
1. L. Couturat, Plea for an International
Language, p. 15.
It is, however, possible, without
dogmatizing unduly, to suggest certain general
considerations which make the
'fundamentalist' position appear highly
dubious. No symbol system does reflect
and probably no symbol system could
reflect, the structure of the outside world
or even of the mind itself. And though
language is a by-product of sensory
` experience, it has in turn provided the
framework or mould which determines
in some measure what form that experience
shall take.
1 Languages vary
immensely in structure and vocabulary
and there is no reason why the primitive
concepts indicated by one language should
coincide with those which would emerge
from the analytic study of another.
Variations in the relative distribution
of nouns and adjectives may alone be
sufficient to shift the focus of the
unanalysable elements. And even within
the confines of a single language, the
basis of definition is determined by the
particular aspect of knowledge with which
we are, for the moment, concerned. The
' species ’ on which the botanist’s classification
is based may be resolved in the
chemist’s test tube into a variety of
substances ; and the simple elements of
the chemist’s world will be turned by
the physicist’s electroscope into a complex
system of energy. Each account of
phenomena has its legitimate starting
point. And as there seems to be no means
of escape from the bias attaching to individual
systems, linguistic or scientific, it
is difficult to see how an absolute analysis
of the constituents of the universe is
possible.
----------
1. See The Meaning of Meaning, by Ogden and
Richards, p. 96. n.
The Modern Approach
It does not follow, however, from the
failure of the philosophic language movement
that all attempts to make language
a more efficient vehicle of thought should
be discouraged. The need for linguistic
improvement is a real one, though the
method by which improvement was
sought has been found to be illusory. A
systematized language would enable us
to communicate more effectively ; a
simplified language would enable us to
communicate more internationally. But
if the modern approach to the problem
is to yield satisfactory results we must
relinquish the attractive chimaera of an
' ideal language’ and develop reforms
along more practical lines.
52
It may not be feasible to reduce
scientific terminology to a scheme for
which
a priori sanction can be claimed,
but concentration on the lacunae of scientific
notation might revolutionize methodology.
Here is a field which offers real
scope to an enterprising orthologist
combining linguistic orientation with the
requisite technical knowledge.
Professor Levy has declared that
" notation is indeed the very life-blood
of science ",
1 and his claim is a reasonable
one when we consider how, throughout
the history of science, notational development
has preceded advances in knowledge.
But for the abbreviations invented by
Diophantus of Alexandria, we should have
had no science of Algebra ; mathematics
emerged from the chrysallis stage with
the adoption of Arabic numerals ;
inorganic chemistry took an immense stride
forward when Mendeléef drew up his
Periodic Table ; Mathematical Logic
dates from Boole’s symbolic system.
And, as Professor Levy himself points
out, " our heritage from Newton would
have been a much poorer thing but for
the differential calculus, as our indebtedness
to Einstein is enriched by the tensor notation ".
----------
1. Introduction to The Notation of Movement,
by Margaret Morris, uniform with this volume.
But notational development has been
left hitherto to random inspiration and
the needs of the moment. Its key importance
has been insufficiently recognized,
and there has been no attempt
to generalize principles of construction
or to lay down methods of procedure.
The remedy for this -- and the task should
not be an impossible one -- is to erect a
science of notation, which will take
deliberate stock of the symbolic situation,
and marshal a technique to deal with
notational deficiencies and anticipate the
requirements of sciences yet unborn.
It would be rash to prophesy how far,
and in what direction, symbolic processes
might be developed with such an equipment,
but there is certainly no lack of
experimental material, as even casual
reflection will show. Colour, for example,
is still in need of a satisfactory working
notation ; the psychologists require
assistance in notating the emotions ;
and, to venture into less familiar territory,
a notation of mechanical inventions
54
might provide the clue to further improvements
and novelties.
A programme containing items such
as these, though necessarily lacking the.
ideal comprehensiveness of a philosophic
language, would perhaps be no less
far-reaching in its effects.
Scientific notation, however, does not
exhaust the possibilities of linguistic
reform, Backed by the necessary international
sanctions, it does meet the
demand for an adequate medium for
science ; but it does not deal with the
demand for a clarification of language
as an instrument of thought, and a
simplification of it for purposes of
international communication. Here, too, the
a priori approach has been superseded
by more practical proposals based on
the linguistic material already to hand.
A technique of definition, such as that
suggested in
The Meaning of Meaning,
will clearly play an important part in any
readjustment of linguistic habits. But
as this bears on the way in which
language should be used rather than on
the form that language should take, it is
scarcely relevant to the present discussion.
We have seen that in adapting language
55
to the needs of science, the problem is to
expand the existing vocabulary by fresh
notations and scalar possibilities. In
making it a more precise instrument of
thought, we are faced with the reverse
problem of reduction.
There is something paradoxical about
this. Language is an inventory of human
experience. It might, therefore, be
argued that the more minutely we catalogue
each item, the more exact the
inventory will be. There is a certain
plausibility about this argument, but it
does not take into account the necessity,
if we are working on an existing language,
of weeding out badly organized word
groups and eliminating the emotive and
stylistic elements. Nor does it allow for
the fact that highly specialized words
are not essential to minute description.
If we have
writing-table at our command,
it is nothing but affectation to add
bureau and
escritoire to the vocabulary.
They may embellish the object but they
do not make it any plainer.
Now the ‘writing-table ’ method of
description provides a better basis of
thought than the ‘ bureau' method for
two reasons. In the first place it relates
56
writing-tables to all the other kinds of
table and so helps to systematize our
knowledge. This fact may seem unim-
portant as displayed in the simple and
very concrete illustration we have been
considering, but it is of inestimable value
in more abstract fields of reference. In
the second place, being more actively
descriptive, it provides an antidote to
that habit of using words without ade-
quate reference, which opens the door
inevitably to mystification and word-
magic. The psittacism advocated by
Professor Couturat is in some measure
essential if we are to communicate at all,
but there is a point beyond which it
becomes excessive and merely enables
us to attach word-labels to objects we
have insufficiently identified. The tendency
away from descriptive, and towards
arbitrary symbolism -- as seen, for example,
in the shifting emphasis of pronunciation
in compound words -- is one which, for
psychological reasons, we shall never
wholly counteract. As descriptive terms
become familiar, they lose their primary
significance and are eventually accepted
as the names of particular objects or
events. One suspects, too, that the
57
process sometimes takes on a more whole-
sale character, with the result that argu-
ments derived parrotwise from some
acquaintance or the newspapers are
reproduced almost word for word as
a conditioned response to the appropriate
questioning. Nevertheless, a symbol
system built up on description does
provide the wary with an avenue of
escape from the worst forms of verbal
fixation.
The problem, when once we have rejected
the idea of god-given concepts, is to
decide how far this process of descriptive
analysis may profitably be carried.
ln modifying an existing language,
theoretical considerations cannot be given
much weight, since the selection of a
vocabulary in such a case must be dictated
by the nature of the material.
The task is to discover how far the language
will permit descriptive analysis to
go, and not to assess the ideal limits of
description.
The chief question is that of procedure.
The words in any language may be
classified in a hierarchy, starting with the
most general notions and descending
through a graded series to the most
58
particular.
1 Not only therefore, do words
stand for different references, but they
stand for references at different levels.
I may have occasion, for example, in
varying circumstances, to describe the
same object as a ‘ Baby Austin ’, a
‘ motor car ’, a ‘ vehicle ’, or an ‘ obstruction’.
This factor of levels is an all-important
one, because it is on their
relation to one another that the efficiency
of a language largely depends. By
arranging the vocabulary in a hierarchy
such as has been described, it becomes
possible to see what combination of levels
will dispense with other levels.
----------
1. For a discussion of the question of classification
and word-levels see The Basic Vocabulary.
But though we are not concerned with
an ideal disposition of levels, we do require
the guidance of a standard, and the difficulty
is to discover some method by which
the ideal limits of descriptive analysis
may be determined. Can we find any
principles which would enable us to dis-
tribute our words wisely over the field of
reference in a vocabulary constructed
out of the void ?
We may take as axiomatic the
avoidance of unsymbolized references,
59
synonyms, overlapping clusters, and puns.
But this does not throw light on the
question of levels of symbolization, nor
does it offer any constructive suggestion.
Let us suppose that we are looking at a
town, with Utopian speech at our command.
How shall we describe what we
see before us ? Shall we distinguish
houses, theatres, offices and palaces ?
Shall we introduce a common denominator
and talk of residential buildings, dramatic
buildings, business buildings, and royal
buildings ? Shall we analyse further and
refer to what is before us in terms of a
functional adaptation of bricks and mortar,
of windows, chimneys, and doors ?
Or shall we, perhaps, reduce the bricks
themselves to the substances of which
they are composed ?
lf language is to consult human
convenience -- and being a tool fashioned by
the human mind for its own purposes,
this can scarcely be denied -- it should
symbolize objects, as far as possible, at
the level of our preceptions. This is the
first canon of linguistic construction.
Facts that cannot be inferred directly
from contact with the object should not
be covered by the unit symbols. Thus a
60
‘ table’ might well be so referred to
because, when once the elementary
classification of objects has been mastered,
there is no great difficulty in recognising
it as such. But it is not nearly so simple
a matter to distinguish a man as a
‘ father', unless one is acquainted with
the details of his private life. The ‘ father’
notion would, therefore, be best expressed
as an adjectival modification of the unit
' animal ’, or perhaps of the compound
' male animal ’. Similarly, facts that
are ascertained only as a result of
microscopic investigation, though they
may themselves be regarded as units,
should not be used in the descriptive
analysis of objects which are at the
level of ordinary sense-perception. The
specialist, be it understood, has his own
requirements which must be dealt with
apart from the treatment of language in
its more general aspect.
The chief difficulty in making sense-perceptions
the basis of symbolization
lies in separating them from the symbolic
frames by which they are commonly
bounded. As has already been pointed
out, what we see and how we see it is
largely conditioned by the language in
61
whose traditions we have been educated
1
If then, a language is to be constructed in
which the symbols conform to the units
and aggregates that we perceive,
precautions must be taken not to perpetuate
the particular linguistic bias implanted in
the inventors by their early training.
----------
1. In referring to traditions in language I do
not intend to imply that languages are an em-
bodiment of racial outlook. As Professor
Sapir has pointed out (Language, chap. X),
linguistic heritage has become far too mixed for
such a view to be tenable.
The limiting effects of a language are,
however, operative in respect of judgments
and abstract relations rather than in the
actual perception of objects. The fact,
for example, that there is no preposition
in English for 'under ’ and “touching ’
2
does not affect in any way our grasp of
such a spatial relation ; but as Bentham
discovered, the absence of neutral words
in which to describe various acts, has
prejudged those acts for one generation
after another.
3 Thus the pejorative
implications of ' fornication ’ and ’ adultery ’
have provided a ready-made moral judgment
that has served our nation for centuries.
----------
2. See The Meaning of Meaning, p. 118.
3. Bentham, Collected Works Vol. I, p. 209-10.
62
This intrusion into our symbolization
of subjective judgments about the events
and objects symbolized, is fatal to clear
thinking. We may, therefore, formulate
as our second canon of linguistic construction
the principle that mental attitudes
should be symbolized separately from
their objects. The distinction between
the ‘ miserly ’ man who ‘ hoards ’ money
out of ‘ avarice’ and the ' thrifty ’ man
who ' saves ’ it out of ‘ prudence ’ should
be indicated by changing the subjective
qualification of a neutral statement, about
a man who “ puts money on one side ’
either out of ‘ love of gold ’ or for ‘ love
of his family ’. In the same way, whether
we commend a child for its ‘ modesty’
or chide it for its ' diffidence ’ depends on
our attitude to the fact that it has not a
very high opinion of itself. A well-designed
vocabulary would not permit
of this confusion between what the speaker
observes and how he interprets the fruits
of his observation. Nor would it allow
the reactions of the observer to appear
as belonging to the activities of the
object, as for example, when we say in
English that certain conduct ‘disgusts
us ’. It would be no less absurd to say
63
that a man ‘hates us’ when we have
feelings of dislike for him. Yet there are
philosophers who believe, because of this
crazy symbolization, that disgust is to
be studied in the external world rather
than in our own heads.
-- This section . . . 64 - 72 . . . will be further edited shortly. --
Finally, we come to our third canon,
which is that descriptive analysis should
make the fullest possible use of quantitative
relations, whether of number, as
in house, village, town ; of size, as in
dwarf, man, giant ; or of degree, as in
whisper, talk, shout. At every level in
the classification the measuring-rod
should be applied. Thus scalar notations
may be used to supplement the hierarchical
divisions. The main classification
may give ambulation as a form of
animal movement, but when the scale
is applied, we get crawling, walking,
running, and so on, in addition. To the
creator of a synthetic language belongs
the task of devising a uniform notation
for quantity and applying it wherever
possible ; to the reformer of existing
languages, the no less important one of
inquiring how far quantity is the real
differentiating factor in words apparently
64
distinct. On analysis a blow is recognised
as a big knock, a trickle becomes a small
flow, and some would go so far as to
describe a wound as a partial kill.
Definition in terms of quantity cannot
be complete unless it includes the relation
of opposition.1 In fact, a proper
understanding ot the nature of opposites is
essential to the construction of notational
scales. The linguistic significance of
opposition has been obscured owing to the
simple view prevailing among logicians
that it is the relationship existing between
quality and not-quality. If we
do not subscribe to this view, but hold
that opposites require more complex
definition, it is clear that the notation
65
of opposites would, if established as
unambiguous, enable us to form automatically
a wide number of terms that
would otherwise stand in need of individual
attention.
----------
1. Wilkins had some idea of the linguistic
exploitation of opposites, as may be seen from
the following passage : " Some radixes, besides
the redundant and deficient extremes, have
likewise an opposite common; so to the word
justice, there is opposed common Injustice,
besides the excess Rigor, and the defect Remission.
So to Veracity, the opposite common is Lying ;
which may be either by way of excuse, over-saying,
boasting, flattering: or of Defect,
undersaying, detraction. So to Equality, the
opposite common is Inequality, imparity,
disparity, the excess of which is Superiority, and
the defect Inferiority. This is natural to all
Radixes that have double opposites, though
instituted languages have not provided words to
express it".
One would expect to find a complete
and satisfactory account of opposites in
the logic books, which could be applied
without difficulty to linguistic requirements.
Unfortunately this is not the
case. The findings of Logic are sadly
inadequate to the matter in hand. Preoccupied
with the question of opposition
as it relates to propositions, logicians have
neglected the opposition of words ; while
those who do give space to this aspect of
the problem devote most of it to discussing
whether negatives are limited
by a universe of discourse, and whether,
if not, the negative has any meaning at
all. Incompatibility is referred to as an
enigmatic factor distinguishing opposition
from mere negation; degrees of
difference receive passing mention. But
of the different classes of opposites, and
of the kinds of things to which opposition
may be ascribed, little or nothing is said.
On these questions, so essential to the
66
subject, nothing of value has been contributed
by the logicians.1
----------
1. It seems scarcely credible that the founders
of Esperanto were content to make opposition a
main principle of their word-formation, without
in any way attempting to elucidate its nature.
Yet such is the case.
The view that the only true
contradictory or opposite is that produced by
the negation of a quality, since a quality
and its negation are together all-embracing
and mutually exclusive, is inadequate
because it leaves out of account just
those very relationships which are universally
held to constitute opposition.
It negation is the only accredited sort
of opposite, and contraries,ie., comparable
but separate qualities, are all at
the same level of difference, then ‘ white ’
is no more the opposite of ‘ black ’ than
‘ red ’ is, and ‘ north ’ no more the opposite
of ‘ south ’ than ‘ south ’ is of ‘ west ’ ;
while ‘not-greatest’ would be the opposite
of ' greatest ’ and 'least ’ would be
classed without distinction of any sort
among a number of other contraries such
as ' greater ’, ' great ’, ‘ less ’ -- a most
unsatisfactory conclusion at which to
arrive. Negations are rightly called
contradictories, but let there be no
67
confusion between contradictories and
opposites. This confusion has possibly
in part arisen from the fact that in
some cases the negative or contradictory
coincides with the opposite, as in
‘ visible ’ and ' not visible ’, ‘ asleep ’
and ‘ not asleep ’, where the opposites
‘ visible ’ and ‘ invisible ’, ‘ asleep ’ and
' awake ’, correspond exactly to what
Bosanquet calls the significant negative.
The main linguistic interest centres on
the question whether or no it is possible
to dehne unambiguously in terms of
opposition. If so, what limits must be
imposed on such definition to keep it
from ambiguity ? We should all arrive
at ‘ dark ’ as the opposite of ‘ light ’, but
perhaps we should not be quite so certain
that ‘ night ’ is the opposite of ’ day ’ or
‘ receipt ’ of ‘ account ’. The value of
opposites for notational purposes depends
on our being able to find some common
ground of explanation or definition for
the extraordinarily diverse pairs which in
ordinary parlance are referred to as opposites.
This analysis, which provides
an important contribution to linguistic theory,
has been carried out by C. K. Ogden in his
68
recent work on opposition1 By making
an elaborate survey of twenty-five different
pairs of so—called opposites, Mr.
Ogden is able to demonstrate that direction
is the key to every type of opposition.
He distinguishes between opposites that
are divided by a cut (Right and Left) and
opposites that form extremes of a scale
(Top and Bottom). " Either side of a
cut ", he explains, “ may also be quantified,
but where two scales placed end to
end divide at a neutral point, the bottom
or neutral point ot either scale does not
give rise to a sensational or linguistic
opposite ". Acid and Alkali are a typical
example of double-scale opposition.
Psychological opposites are said to be
“ translated emotionally into directional
terms ", and the only forms of opposition
that are not amenable to the scale and
the cut are opposites by definition and
tictions. Mr. Ogden has used this analysis
as the basis for an ingenious system of
oppositional notation, which marks an
innovation in the technique of lexicography.
His symbolism could not be
adopted in a synthetic language, but some
69
at least of his differentia might profitably
be reflected in a verbal notation.
----------
1. Opposition. Uniform with this volume.
The type of opposite generated by a
scale is not necessarily determined by the
nature of what is scaled; it may be a
matter of linguistic convenience. The
‘ use ’ scale, for example, is divided into
three sets of opposites in the following
way :
Useful <—————> Useless
\
\
Harmless <————> Harmful
In considering any pair of opposites it
is important to make it clear in what
terms the scale is to be interpreted.
WVhen talking of colour opposites, we
may be referring to pigments or psychological
effects ; our hot-cold scale may
be a measure of heat or of hot and cold
sensations.
The notion of opposites is relevant only
to material which is in some way amenable
to a scale or a cut. But objects can be
graded in a scale only by virtue of measurable
qualities which they are said to
70
possess. Thus a compound is the opposite
of an element in the simple-complex
scale, child is the opposite of adult in the
maturity scale, sea is the opposite of land
in a dry-wet scale, and so on, but unless
the particular scale in use is indicated
opposition is an ambiguous definition or
pointer when applied to objects. A
notation relying on opposition to generate
terms should therefore define only qualifiers
as opposites. Brutes might be
referred to as non-rational animals, and
men as rational animals, but to give brutes
the title ‘ opposite of men’ would only
be ambiguous. The notion ' man ’ has
many facets, each of which suggests an
opposition, as man-woman, man-god,
man-boy and so on.
The confusion between negation and
opposition may be removed for notational
purposes by reference to the scale and the
cut. Definition should be by opposition
and not by negation except in the case of
the cut, when opposite and negative are
identical. An opposite conveys a clear
idea of what is to be indicated, but a
negative, when applied to a scale, even
when limited to a particular universe of
71
discourse, is likely to give rise to ambiguity.
If ‘ large’ and ‘ not large’ were
substituted for ‘ large ’ and ‘ small ’, it
would be a matter of speculation whether
‘ not-large ’ stood for ‘moderate-sized ’
or ‘ small ’. But an affix implying opposition
would place this beyond doubt.
An International Language
The more freely descriptive analysis
is used, the more it is is possible to reduce
the size of a vocabulary. for this reason, the three principles formulated for the
clarification of language, bear also on its simplificaiton or international purposes.
In Basic English each of these principles
has played its part, but with cerain modifications.
It is necessary in a simplified language
to extend generalization beyond theoretically
desirable limits in the interests of
economy. Thus words at the level of
furniture, garment, instrument play an
important part in the Basic vocabulary.
Description is made as objective as
possible, chiefly by a ruthless pruning of
adjectives, but the subjective factor lingers
as a concession to linguistic habit in the
right-wrong, good-bad, judgments. Such
72
words as
delicate, important, possible,
serious are also expressive in some degree
of a mental attitude, but it is difficult to
see how this could be eliminated without
a complete reconstruction of the language.
Quantity and degree, commonly
discerned, are expressed almost entirely by
description and special quantity Words.
A
gale is a ‘ strong Wind ’, a
crowd is a
' great number ’ and so on. The scale is,
of course, lacking, because the English
language does not yet provide the material
for careful graduation. Opposition has
been made the basis of a mnemonic
vocabulary
1 but for stylistic reasons the
systematic substitution of opposites is
not possible. The vocabulary does, nevertheless,
rely on a discriminating use of the
oppositional definition route.
Ignorance,
for example, is rendered in terms of
knowledge, courage, in terms of
fear.
----------
1. The Basic Vocabulary, p. 9.
73
The Basic English vocabulary of 850
words was selected by the method of
panoptic conjugation.
1 The Panoptic
Eliminator is a radial chart, each of whose
radii represents a definition route. These
definition routes, twenty in number, are
based on the theory of definition elaborated
in
The Meaning of Meaning.2 The
word under consideration is placed in the
centre of the chart and its conjugates,
arrived at by consulting each radial definition
route in turn, are arranged on the
periphery. The whole semantic range
of a word might be shown by this method
and the Panoptic chart would then
become a means of locating lacunae in a
vocabulary. But for Basic purposes we
are concerned only with the routes which
lead to single-word conjugates, since it is
by these means that we discover how one
word eliminates others. Each word found
at the periphery is definable in terms of
the word at the centre in a given relation,
and this relation is indicated by the
definition route employed. Thus
army
is a numerical modification of
soldier,
bitch is a
dog defined in terms of sex,
cottage is derived by the magnitude
definition route from
house. In Basic English
a conjugation may be dispensed with if
it can be defined by the word at the centre
in combination with nine other words
or less.
----------
1. For a full account of Panoptic Conjugation
see The Panoptic Method by C. K. Ogden,
uniform with this volume.
2. The Meaning of Meaning, Ch. VI.
74
Each word considered at the centre is
in turn the conjugate, via one of the 20
definition routes, of some more general
word. In this way, by charting each
of the 600 Basic nouns panoptically, we
get a complete series of interlocking definitions,
which provide the material for a
hierarchical classification showing how
the world levels relate to one another.
A tentative classification is given on the
following page. No attempt has been
made to introduce a hierarchy of fictions.
Their definition in terms of one another
would result in a very superficial classification,
while the technique for expanding
them into non-fictional statements remains
at too elementary a stage to
be successfully used in this connection
1
----------
1. Another possible way of grading fictions
would be to arrange them according to the
number of stages, or processes of interpretation,
by which they are removed from ‘ real ’ objects.
George Bentham had some idea of this when he
pointed out in the classification of factions that
‘ existence ’ can be treated as a low-level fiction,
being an absolute property of real objects;
‘ presence ' and ’ absence’ then appear at a
higher level, as the properties of ’ existence’
which itself is a fiction ; while ‘ past' and
‘future ’ would be at a still higher level of
fictionality, as the properties of ‘ absence ’
which is a fiction of a fiction.
Levels of communication depend to a very
great extent on the degree of fictionality
employed. Scientific notations build themselves
up on an elaborate structure of fictions.
Any attempt to establish the nctional hierarchy
must encounter the difficulties which invariably
arise when classification is involved, but they do
not invalidate the principles on which the
division has been made. Distinctions are
seldom or never clear-cut, and fictions are no
exception to this rule.
75
Classification Tree for Basic English
[ CHART page 76 ]
There seems no good reason for employing
a dichotomy in verbal classification.
It is a cumbersome method of procedure
and does not coincide with linguistic
levels.
Mammal, Insect, Bird, Reptile,
and
Fish are obviously at the same level
of generality and it would merely be
misleading to group them artificially in
descending levels. By preserving a dichotomy
in the early divisions, however, it
is possible to ensure that any omission
may be fitted into the classification
without difficulty. For example, it may
be decided that none of the subdivisions
set forth on the chart is appropriate to a
cigarette. But as a
cigarette can certainly
be classified as a non-machine artefact,
all that is necessary is to add a fourth
sub-division at the level of
Container,
Channel of communication, and
Instrument.
Basic English is unique in its systematic
approach to the problem of word economy.
The artificial languages have been
concerned, to the exclusion of all other
possibilities, with the simplification of
grammar; and ‘ selected ’ vocabularies in the
national languages, which entice the
traveller with promises of a short-cut to
Huency, are hopelessly lacking in method.
The redundancies of Esperanto are
illustrated sufficiently in the Minimum
Esperanto Vocabulary, published for the
use of beginners.
1 Here, in a list containing
under 2000 words we find the
following high-level specializations:
afrank
(pay postage),
bask (coat-tail),
cir (shoe-polish),
grifel (slate-pencil),
haladz (bad
exhalation),
swat (arrange matrimony).
----------
1. A Key to Esperanto. Published by the
British Esperanto Association (Incor.).
That these redundancies indicate a
common failure on the part of the synthetic languages as a group to grapple
with Word Economy is suggested by
Professor Jespersen’s inadequate treatment of vocabulary questions in
Novial.
Novial may fairly be assumed to
contain whatever wisdom has emerged from
the prolonged and bitter controversies of
the experts. One finds it ignoring the
main issues and claiming credit for the
introduction of minor subtleties.
Professor Jespersen delights in providing a
distinction between
verum ‘ a true thing ’,
and
veesp, ‘ truth ’, and he finds merit in
a special word
erste, for ‘ not till ’; but
the importance of strict definition as a
principle to ensure a uniform symbolization of references in a language which
utilizes words with varying national
nuances, escapes him altogether. So blind
is he to any such considerations that,
although he points out the ‘ essentially
vague meanings ’ which must attach to
words like
nature, kulture, karaktere, he
declares that these must be accepted as
a necessary part of the foundations on
which the language is erected. If this is
so, there is little to commend the freedom
of artificial construction. By careful
pruning, simplification is introduced into
the intricacies of Ido, with its bewildering
mass of affixes and its complicated rules
for working them ; while Zamenhof is
made the subject of a number of pertinent
criticisms. But Professor Jespersen has
fallen far short of constructing a language
sufficiently simple and comprehensive in
its theory to compensate for the sacrifice
of cohesion that an artificial language
necessarily involves. He is more wary
than his predecessors, but he has not
avoided the old pitfalls. The vocabulary
is overburdened with alternative renderings
in a language uncouth beyond
literary redemption.
What the makers of artificial languages
have failed to realize is that, in Applied
Linguistics, it is necessary to formulate
a definite objective. lf a language is to
have the merit of simplicity, it must be
Without embellishment. With in the
severe limitations imposed by this economy
it may achieve a dignity comparable
to that of the factory building whose
design accords perfectly With its functional
purpose. But the pursuit of literary
effects by the debabelizers, in the hopes of
scoring a stylistic victory, is nothing but
a wild-goose chase.
80
PART IV . WORD FORMATION
A vocabulary which is to observe a
proper economy must do more than cover
the field of current usage without redundancy or ambiguity.
In order to preserve that correspondence between language
and thought which is the necessary
condition of adequate expression, it must
be capable of extension for the symbolizing
of fresh references. Clearly this
extension cannot be effected by the
invention of entirely new words. While
a language is in the formative stage,
linguistic invention is exercised freely ;
but when once the naming of the principal
objects and events has been accomplished,
this facility in word-making declines. At
the advanced stage now reached by the
English language scientific discoveries still
occasionally lead to the invention of a new
word, such as ' gas ' but the occasions are
few and far between. Derivation and
metaphor are the more usual means of
enriching the vocabulary.
Obviously, then, in the main, the
extensions of vocabulary will take place by way
of adjustment and not of invention. For
this reason, in an account of Word
Economy, the problem of structure is as
relevant as that of distribution. A
vocabulary which is comprehensive without
being flexible has bad economy because its
maximum efficiency is fixed in the present.
Its rigidity will stand in the way of any
adaptation to meet changed mental requirements,
and tend to make the language
increasingly deficient as a medium of
expression. To have a good economy a
vocabulary must lend itself readily to
adjustment by combination and the use of
affixes. The ideal vocabulary from this
point of view is the jargon of commerce,
which produces such euphonious hybrids
as ' optimax ', ' aertex ', and ' cuticura ' ;
and patent names like 'movol ', ' sanatogen ', ' thermogene '.
The most simple method of extending
symbols is to string two or three single
words together in compound formation.
This habit, assisted no doubt, by the
telegraphic style of newspaper headlines,
seems to be growing among the
Anglo-Saxon peoples. In the United
82
States, in particular, compounds are
formed with an extraordinary facility.
To the American a
stud is a ' collar-button '
and his
vest an ' undershirt '. He burns
' coal-oil ' in his stove instead of
paraffin,
has a chat with a ' newspaper-man ' when
he meets a
journalist, and takes the
' street-car ' to the ' moving picture
theatre ' when an Englishman would go by
tram to the
cinema.
Whether these compounds are fused as
in
milkman ,hyphened as in
walking-stick,
or separated as in
motor car is unimportant.
The true criterion of a compound word is
its habitual use for a particular object or
contextual situation. When I look at
the sky and assert that it is a ' good day for
cricket ', a certain element of creation or
composition enters into the juxtaposition
of 'good ' and 'day '. But when I say
' Good day ' to the vicar, as I make my
way to the cricket ground, the words are
being used as an inseparable formula, like
' how do you do? ' or ' farewell '. They
are functioning, that is to say, as a unit.
Compound words may be regarded as an
ideographic modification of a phonographic
system. They introduce economy of
symbolization without leading to the error
of over complication into which the philosophic
systems fall. Freedom in this respect
has, therefore, an important bearing on the
reduction of a vocabulary, and the fact
that it is so marked a characteristic of
English adds considerably to the possibilities
of producing a simplified form of the
language. The process is still further
assisted by the modern tendency towards
replacing the fusions derived from one
classical language by compounds made up
of English words. Thus we have a 'get
away' for an 'escape', 'upbringing' for
' education ', ' outcome ' for ' product '.
These tendencies figure prominently in
Basic English substitution.
The second method of symbolic
extension is word-coinage or the making of
neologisms. This may be effected either
by blending two or more words
together, or by a formal modification with
affixes.
It may, perhaps, be argued against
Basic English that the absence of verbs
checks the most natural process of word-building,
that of making alternate verb
and noun forms, whether starting with a
noun as in ' class ', ' classify ', ' classification', or with a verb, as in ' differ',
' difference ', ' differentiate ', ' differentiation '.
Such a criticism is scarcely relevant to
Basic English in its minimum form, as the
limits of vocabulary are definitely fixed.
_ It might take advantage of uniform affixes,
if these were introduced into Standard
English usage, but the formation of fresh
words would destroy all the advantages of
working with a limited vocabulary.
But there may be a demand in the future
for a form of English in which grammatical
simplicity is combined with an unrestricted
vocabulary. And it is certainly true that
Standard English is slowly developing
verbless alternatives. It would be a
serious argument against encouraging
this tendency in the language if it seemed
likely that it would check the effortless
coining of fresh words when the
need for them is felt.
There is, however, no reason to suppose
that changes in the forms of words can
only be made satisfactorily by building up
alternate forms. It so happens that the
suffixes employed in English in the formation
of abstract nouns have a verbal
character. But there would be no
difficulty in applying fresh suffixes which
would indicate action without necessitating
the preliminary stage of the verb
form; nor, indeed, in taking over the
suffixes '-ment ' and '-tion ' and using
them in this way. Moreover, the
auxiliaries themselves may be, and are,
formed into verbal suffixes, as ' faction '
for ' make '. These might be extended,
' ession ', for example, being used for
the verb ' to be '. and ' devention ' for '
become '. The indication of the appropriate
auxiliaries would also serve to remove
possible ambiguity.
This problem of formation through
verbs does not, of course, arise in the case
of words which have been already so
formed. Their verbal derivation is a
matter of historical interest only, and need
in no way concern those who are learning
English as an international and verbless
language. It is interesting, however, for
its bearing on future possibilities, to see
what might be done in the formation of
words similar to those already in the
language, without passing through the
intermediate verbal stage. I take the
selection from a list given by Jespersen
in his
International Language where
he is showing how Novial would convert
its verbs by the use of suffixes.
86
Opinion | Ideation
Opinion is an example of an abstract noun
which has lost all verbal feeling.
Jespersen,
however, forms ' opinione ' from ' opine '
and 'ideation' seems
to be an equivalent
for this. |
Discussion | Interlocution
|
Satisfaction | This is an auxiliary formation as it stands.
|
Formation | { Enshapement
{ Shapement
{ Formifaction
|
Isolation | { Solitution
{ Abalteration
|
Expedition | { Advancement
{ Prolation
This only gives expedition
in the sense of ' forwarding'.
The other use of
the word is covered by 'journey'.
|
Evolution | Unrolment
[Roll is from French' role ', derived
from ' rotula '].
|
Fabrication | Manufacture
|
87
It must be admitted that the verb form,
largely on account of the additional
syllable which it usually supplies, gives
more euphonious words. This is a problem,
however, which would present little
difficulty to experts ; and where there is
no ground for supposing an intention to
create verb forms, it would be permissable
to insert syllables where necessary for
euphony.
It is continually asserted by supporters
of the synthetic language movement that
one of the great objections to the simplification
of a national language lies in the
impossibility of framing properly differentiated
derivatives.
But the unbridled use of affixes seems
to add little either to the effectiveness of a
language or to the ease with which it may
be acquired.
Here again, we may turn to Jespersen as
representing the advanced researches of
the synthetic group. So far from removing,
his system of differentiated suffixes
seems to create, ambiguities. In the first
place his account of what the '—ione'
ending stands for is inexcusably vague.
" They do not like those in —o denote
simply the action of the verb ", he says,
speaking of the words so formed, but partly
` the result (as a whole) or the resulting
state, partly the way or manner in which
something is done ". It is difficult to see
why he did not confine the meaning to
" the result or resulting state ", since the
rest is covered by the gerund. Distinct
from the suffix signifying the action and
that signifying the result of the action,
Jespersen introduces yet another ending
' -um ', which is to be employed " when
the product of the action is specially
meant, as distinct from the way in which
it is done ". Thus we have ' fabrikatum '
=a manufactured article, ' kreatum ' =a
thing created, 'kopiatum ' =a thing
copied (distinct, we are told, from ' kopie ',
the copy). Finally, there is a suffix
'-uro ', " to denote the result or product as
distinct from the act itself ". The distinction
between the '—ion ', '-um' and
'—uro ' substantives in the light of Jespersen's
examples is, to say the least of it,
puzzling. It is clear that ' evolutione ',
' opinione ', 'lektione ', all belong to the
first group. But how does 'inventione '
differ from ' kreatum ', for example, which
seems quite arbitrarily to have been
placed in the second ? Why is ' texura
'=a thing woven, in the third group, if
' fabrikatum ' is in the second ? Again,
why, if ' fotografure =photo, carefully
distinguished from ' fotografatum '=the
thing photographed (a second group word),
is in the third group, should ' printatum '
=printed matter, i.e., the actual product
of printing, and therefore the equivalent
of the 'fotografure' which is the actual
product of photography, be placed in a
different group ? The shades of meaning
which justify the separate existence of
these three groups, are, if they exist at all,
so fine that only an expert of Jespersen's
standing could detect them. They are
useless as a working system of word-formation
for the man in the street. It is
true that something might be done in an
artificial language on the lines indicated by
Jespersen, which would be more satisfactory
than anything he has yet produced.
A possible suggestion is to differentiate as
follows :
90
1. The action, e.g., kanto.
2. The state produced by the action,
e.g,, isolatione, diminutione.
3. Object produced by the action, e.g.,
Fotografure, Texure.
4. Object involved in the action but
not produced by it, e.g., Fotografatum.
Trovatum.
If Jespersen or anyone else produced a
satisfactory system of suffixes it would
certainly have to be admitted that here
was one of the advantages that an artificial
language had over a simplified
national language, by way of compensation
for its many drawbacks. Jespersen
himself admits, however, that usage stands
in the way of a completely regularized
system, even in Novial, and it is only
usage which makes the adoption of such a
system impracticable in Basic English.
It is hard, therefore, to see how the Word
Economy of Basic English, in respect of
flexibility, need be inferior to that of its
rivals in the international field.
After studying the use of the affix in
Esperanto, one is tempted to conclude
that this feature, claimed as so great an
asset in the language, effects no real
economy, save, perhaps, of space and
91
breath. For the affixes exist side by side
with alternative circumlocutions furnished
by the desire to provide an equivalent for
any word that has currency in a national
language. Thus, though
ek and
mal, as
prefixes, denote ' commencement ' and
' opposite ' respectively, the vocabulary
also contains the words
komeni and
kontraua,
while the suffixes
ar, ej, and
id only
( duplicate the sense of
kolekt (collection),
loko (place), and
juna (young). It may
further be argued that a number of
mono-syllabic affixes are more difficult to
memorize and differentiate than a similar
number of separate words. The learning
of words is facilitated not by brevity but by
distinctive sound and shape.
The third method of word-formation is
by way of metaphorical extension. This
process is effected by taking a current symbol
and changing its referent, either by an
analogical use of the word, as in " blade of
grass ', or by extension to a connected
object or situation, as, for example, when
we talk of a dress as a ' Poiret creation '.
Symbols adapted in this way to fresh uses
are not commonly classed as new words,
but functionally they should be so regarded.
But for the systematic use of metaphor,
the Basic Vocabulary could never have
been successfully reduced to its present
dimensions. It is to be hoped that
international ingenuity will develop still
further the possibilities of metaphorical
usage. The second form of metaphor,
` that of extension to a connected object,
may be thought to constitute a bad
economy because it introduces a type of
pun. But with double meanings so related,
context exercises a sort of natural
selection which the word economist has
a right to exploit.
The conservatism that retards the
simplification of language, also acts as a brake
on linguistic developments of a more
exotic kind. Neologistic invention is
fertile in the production of slang but it is
seldom that the literary fraternity dares to
invoke its aid. Yet if emotive utterance
is to be completely successful
in its exploitation of the psychological
situation, there must be complete licence to
create and refashion Words. There must,
in fact, be brought into being a symbolic
machinery capable of infinite adaptation.
Mr. James Joyce is the modern pioneer in
this field, and his verbal experiments
in
Work in Progress deserve attention from
<1--93-->
linguists and students of neology. Mr.
Ogden, in an analysis of the word-building
technique involved, has enumerated ten
main ways in which new patterns may be
woven from the symbolic material there
displayed.
1 Next to Mr. Joyce, American
slang is perhaps the most fruitful source
of linguistic innovation.
The rigidity of the Basic vocabulary and
the complete flexibility of Mr. Joyce's, each
play their part in subordinating the linguistic
mechanism to human needs. In a comprehensive scheme of Word Economy,
recognition would be given to both these
divergent developments, for they represent not conflict but the complementary
points of view necessary to an adequate control of our symbolic resources.
----------
1. Psyche, July 1929. These were listed as
follows: Root-cultivation, Tongue-gesture,
Infixation, Analogical deformation, Onomatopoeia
(phonetic and kinetic), Puns (select and
dialect), Spoonerisms, Condensations, Mergers,
Echoes.
94
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Last updated November 2, 2012.